The District 40 Republican Primary

With the activity in Passaic and Bergen County Republican circles following the announced retirement of State Senator Henry McNamara, I wrote the following article for The Record that was published today.
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With McNamara's departure, a spirited race arises
by GEORGE AJJAN - Tuesday, March 27, 2007

Wyckoff politico Henry McNamara, a longtime District 40 state senator, dropped an electoral bombshell two weeks ago upon announcing his retirement. Because the district leans strongly Republican, McNamara's abdication has put intra-GOP machinations into overdrive, as ambitious Republican aspirants seek to fill the power vacuum left by his departure.

The first move played out in predictable fashion. Kevin O'Toole, an assemblyman from Cedar Grove, immediately announced his desire to assume the state Senate seat. Alongside O'Toole are allies Assemblyman David Russo of Ridgewood and Wayne Mayor Scott Rumana, who will seek to fill the Assembly seat that would be vacated by O'Toole. No surprises here. This arrangement had been anticipated and well plotted, particularly by O'Toole and Rumana.

Their political promotions, however, are far from guaranteed, because an aggressive slate of challengers has been organized to compete in the June primary, consisting of two Ridgewood residents – former Bergen County Freeholder Todd Caliguire and three-time candidate John Ginty – as well as Councilman Joseph Schweighardt from Wayne. All six of these contenders will have to shift into overdrive for a short and spirited campaign.

The Senate seat, which entitles the senator to block political appointments in his or her county, is a particularly ripe plum. If Caliguire is unsuccessful in challenging O'Toole, the clout of Bergen Republicans in Trenton will diminish. On the other hand, a victory by O'Toole would please Republican insiders on the state level by giving the GOP indirect influence on Newark politics, since O'Toole is from Essex County.

O'Toole has established a considerable profile for himself as a major player in the state GOP, but he is not without detractors. His critics view him as an "establishment" Republican who puts party maneuvering over conservative ideology. O'Toole has nonetheless proved his worth by putting his energy and talent to good use attacking Democratic excesses.

For example, during a hearing in Trenton last year, O'Toole rhetorically manhandled disgraced former Attorney General Zulima Farber as she bumbled her way through his sophisticated questioning to the delight of many in attendance, judging by the smirks on the faces of the press corps.

Furthermore, O'Toole has invested in young Republicans, even calling upon recent college graduates to serve as regional coordinators for his state Senate campaign.

Caliguire's persona

His opponent, Todd Caliguire, also has an impressive persona, which earned him the endorsement of The Record during the 2005 GOP gubernatorial primary. As a former freeholder, he set an example for ethical behavior and has consistently and articulately communicated the need to downsize government at the county and state levels.

However, Caliguire lost credibility in the eyes of many Republicans after a disappointing fund-raising effort in his race for Bergen County executive last year. He nonetheless still has a following in Bergen County, and given that nearly 45 percent of the primary voters are based in Bergen, compared to only 10 percent for Essex (the remaining 45 percent are in Passaic), O'Toole rightfully views Caliguire as a formidable opponent, despite already having won the backing of many key elected officials in all three counties.

Caliguire's running mate, Ginty, is a principled conservative who ran for the Assembly both in 2003 and 2005. Ginty deserves the admiration of Republicans for presenting himself as a candidate for the U.S. Senate nomination last year, attempting to inject some energy into the base that Tom Kean Jr.'s thoroughly uninspirational campaign did not.

Ginty, Schweighardt and Caliguire refer to their opponents as "Whitman Republicans," and criticize them for straying from conservative principles during the time that the GOP had full control of Trenton.

The other controversial candidate is Rumana, the popular mayor of Wayne who has struggled since being elected Passaic County Republican chairman last year with a strong mandate for change.

Rumana began with confidence and enthusiasm, but has neglected in recent months to effectively communicate with the county committee, which chose him as leader. Consequently, the GOP's candidate pool is anemic, even for freeholder, not to mention the Democratic-leaning Assembly districts covering more than half of the county, and Rumana has already given incumbent Sheriff Jerry Speziale a free pass for November.

At a minimum, the role of a chairman is to nominate candidates to carry the party banner, even when the odds are stacked against them.

Rumana's record

Rumana has proven himself as an elected official and would make a fine assemblyman, but Passaic County Republicans would taste a very bitter irony if they nominated as a candidate for a "safe" Assembly district a chairman who failed to find himself running mates in the less competitive ones. Rumana must deliver before the filing deadline for candidate petitions on April 9, and pledge to resign as mayor of Wayne if elected to the Assembly.

The stakes are high this week, as Bergen Republicans (in a proper grass-roots convention) and Passaic Republicans (in a cagey oligarchy) prepare to vote. The slate that wins those intra-party contests will have a significant advantage because it will be bracketed on the June ballot with the municipal candidates in each town.

So unless the losing slate recruits its own municipal running mates, it will face a very uphill battle.

All in all, this will be an exciting primary to watch, and one worthy of the attention of concerned citizens in Bergen, Passaic and Essex counties.

George Ajjan of Clifton was a candidate for Congress in the 8th District. He runs a political blog at www.georgeajjan.com.

O --- This article first appeared in The Record on March 27, 2007.
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Swiss Cheese and Fudge

I have been consistently amazed that Bill Clinton, whose foreign policy in the Middle East ultimately achieved practically nothing, still has such a golden image in the region. Furthermore, I cannot fathom why Arab-American audiences clap like trained seals every time his name is mentioned.

The fact is, as far as the Middle East was concerned, Clinton was driving without a license. In an attempt to correct this, his successor George W. Bush decided to print his own license, and then proceeded to drive us all off a cliff. Compared to these two amateurs, I'll take George H.W. Bush as my chauffeur any day.

This is the point I argued in the February issue of the paleoconservative journal Chronicles, in an article entited "Swiss Cheese and Fudge".
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Swiss Cheese and Fudge - Clinton's Foreign Policy Legacy
by George Ajjan

The Democrats' sweeping victory in the recent midterm elections has sent political shock waves around the world, especially in the Middle East—the focal point of President Bush's foreign policy on which the November election was largely a referendum. Judging by the jovial mood with which the region greeted American voters' desire for change, it seems that Arabs in general have reached the oversimplified conclusion that Democrats serve the interests of Middle East peace better than Republicans. For example, the postelection analysis of Arab political writer Sami Moubayed quotes even a Syrian Baath Party leader who longs for "The America of Jimmy Carter and the one of Bill Clinton."

Clinton? While George W. Bush's wholesale adoption of dangerous neoconservative fantasies has certainly proved a dismal failure, those who long for the "good old days" of Clinton's peacemaking efforts need to refresh their memories with regard to the record. It is entirely likely that history will mark a pivotal turning point, vis-à-vis the peace process, at Clinton's victory in the 1992 presidential election, when third-party candidate H. Ross Perot took 19 percent of the popular vote and arguably deprived incumbent President George H.W. Bush of another four years to finish implementing his comprehensive Middle East vision. In retrospect, this appears a tragedy for the region, which has been locked in a downward spiral since George H.W. Bush left office almost 14 years ago. (continued...)

Instead, Bill Clinton ascended in 1993—not the Armani-clad, 21st-century global sophisticate, but the international neophyte who arrived in Washington wearing plaid short-sleeved shirts and a digital wristwatch. Clinton clearly lacked the experience of his predecessor, a seasoned diplomat and former CIA chief. Bush's resumé boasted several foreign-policy triumphs, especially the assembling of the coalition of more than 30 nations, including many Arab countries, that drove the Iraqi army from Kuwait in the Gulf War.

Bush's true international genius, though, lay in his astute recognition of the war's aftermath. He knew that the routing of any Arab army by a Western power would have humiliating effects on the Arab psyche and disastrous long-term consequences, including the appeal of Islamic extremism. So Bush Senior wisely sought to offer the Arab leaders who backed him against Iraqi President Saddam Hussein a redemption of Arab dignity in the eyes of their people: a comprehensive "land for peace" proposal, allowing the Arabs a chance to stand together in making accords with Israel, bury the conflict definitively, and at last bring peace to the Middle East.

To garner the necessary commitments, Secretary of State James A. Baker III busily shuttled between Israel and her Arab neighbors Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Palestine, constructing the framework for such unprecedented negotiations. The Madrid Peace Conference convened in October 1991, only eight months after the Gulf War ended, with a clear vision of regional peace unseen since.

By 1992, however, the Madrid plan had lost momentum as Bush's reelection looked increasingly tenuous. Clinton prevailed that November and immediately sought a separate legacy for himself as a trailblazing peacemaker. He abandoned the comprehensive Madrid solution and chose to handle each Arab nation’s dealings with Israel disjointedly.

Clinton started by secretly whisking (see footnote) Palestinian negotiators off to Oslo to engage their Israeli counterparts. The subsequent 1993 White House handshake between Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat introduced Palestinian sovereignty on the path to a two-state solution. Having then destroyed, like a bull in a china shop, the Arab unity that Bush and Baker had delicately cultivated, Clinton next checked off an Israel-Jordan peace treaty on his to-do list. Several years later, he finally got around to contemptuous Syria, which had bitterly resisted Clinton's divide-and-conquer approach.

Ostensibly, his multitrack strategy seemed promising. But for all the accolades which the mainstream media heaped on Clinton for his supposedly tireless peacemaking efforts, what did he really accomplish? In the twilight of his tenure, Clinton's efforts to reach an agreement between Israelis and Palestinians infamously failed—despite the charming photos of Prime Minister Ehud Barak and then-democratically elected Palestinian President Arafat interacting like old college buddies at Camp David—largely because the deal Clinton constructed had more holes than Swiss cheese. Even with just a few weeks left in the White House, he continued to urge the two leaders to return to Washington, presumably so that they could sign a treaty on a timeline best suited not to the millions of people it would affect, but to Clinton's own legacy and ego.

On the Syrian track, Clinton demonstrated equally irresponsible behavior. Shortly before his death, Syrian President Hafez Assad traveled to Geneva to meet his American counterpart after lengthy preparatory negotiating sessions, only to snub the final proposal after discovering that Clinton had misled him on the extent of Barak's willingness to make concessions. Considering that Clinton actually told his negotiating team to "find me a way to fudge" the details of the final arrangements for the Golan Heights, as author Clayton Swisher reveals in his book, The Truth About the Camp David Accords, the failed outcome hardly comes as a surprise.

In terms of Middle East peace, the impudently careless Clinton left the White House practically empty-handed. The United States had switched from George H.W. Bush's comprehensive peace strategy to a divisive nation-focused tactic under Clinton—implemented in a shifty and dishonorable manner at that—and the results were horrendous. The Middle East looked a lot worse in 2001 than it had eight years earlier, regardless of the altruistic international reputation that the Democrats seem to enjoy.

Justly levying such criticism on Clinton, however, is certainly not the same as suggesting that all Republicans make good foreign policy, for after Clinton came George W. Bush. Every bit the international novice as his predecessor, Bush dramatically changed American policy once again by bringing into prominent advisory roles certain disaffected liberals commonly called neoconservatives, whose mission was to control the Middle East by exacerbating division among and within Arab countries.

Bush's advisors rejected his father's holistic view of the region and even Clinton's segregated nation-based approach to peacemaking. Their method, known as taefi in Arabic, stoked conflicts between competing subnational religious and ethnic groups as the Shiites, Druze, Sunnis, Alawites, Kurds, Maro­nites, etc. Given the neocons' objectives, their scheme had convincing historical precedent: The Ottoman Turks successfully ruled the Middle East for centuries with a sectarian administrative system of millets.

However, the Ottomans won at divide-and-conquer playing in their own backyard and, frankly, because they knew what they were doing. The neocons do not. They sold their ill-conceived plot to the American public wrapped in flowery rhetoric about democracy. But controlling the Middle East by exploiting sectarian rivalries requires substantially more than trite platitudes and shallow analyses rubber-stamped by untrustworthy exiled Arab yes-men, such as the Department of Defense's former Iraqi pet, Ahmed Chalabi. Thus, their policy has precipitated the glorious "new" Middle East that we see today, with Iraq descended into civil war, Iran swaggering with impunity, democratic elections having either endorsed dictatorship (Hosni Mubarak’s landslide in Egypt) or legitimized terrorism (Hezbollah's and Hamas's big electoral wins in Lebanon and Palestine), and provocative Syria smugly gloating after correctly predicting America's failure on all of the above.

Rank-and-file Republicans should have resisted the neocons' foreign-policy ploy anyway, given our difficult experience with taefi politics in America's urban environments, where black, Hispanic, Asian, and other ethnic groups vie for power. Typically, GOP candidates would be lucky to earn 30 percent of the vote in such locales. This does not exactly demonstrate mastery of sectarian politics, even in U.S. cities where people speak English and pray on Sunday. Whence, therefore, came the arrogance to expect a winning taefi strategy in an infinitely more complex environment such as the Middle East?

Sooner or later, especially in the aftermath of their bruising defeat last November, the Republican base is going to realize just how badly they have been led astray. Looking toward 2008, therefore, the wily neocons may abandon the faltering GOP and look for a new home among the Democrats. There is no reason to believe that the hawkish likes of Hillary Clinton, emboldened by the midterm electoral outcome, would not take Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, and other neocons into her inner circle. Woe to that Baathist who longed for Bill Clinton, because his Swiss-cheese-and-fudge approach could quite possibly return—only this time, with a vengeance. If it does, woe to America as well.

George Ajjan is a Republican member of the Arab American Institute's National Policy Council.

O --- This article first appeared in the February 2007 issue of Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture.

footnote - Suggesting that Clinton "whisked" the Israeli and Palestinian negotiators off on his own initiative was incorrect on my part. The contacts may have been more organic at first, but my thesis still stands - Clinton abandoned the comprehensive formula of HW/Baker and we are all paying the price.
continue reading "Swiss Cheese and Fudge..."

Ballot access for the 2008 GOP Presidential hopefuls

As I have discussed here before, I will be a strong supporter of Nebraska Senator Chuck Hagel should he seek the GOP nomination for President, and thus have concerns about the ease of gaining ballot access in New Jersey and the process that might entail.

I communicated with NJGOP State Chairman Tom Wilson on this topic, and he informed me that no decisions have yet been made with respect to ballot access, but that a group had been assembled to discuss the various options and then present them to the 42-member Republican State Committee for a vote before September. Obviously time is of the essence for potential candidates like Hagel who will not have the manpower and financial resources of John McCain, Mitt Romney, and most especially Rudy Giuliani.

So I contacted my friend Michael Illions, a pro-wrestler also known as "The Commish", who is the head of GOPUSA-NJ Conservatives with Attitude, an influential group of activists known for their monthly brunches that have featured prominent conservative office-holders, pundits, authors, etc. Illions and his colleagues have endorsed California Congressman Duncan Hunter, who faces similar challenges to Hagel.

My pitch to Illions was: let's write an editorial together, though our interests and our views occasionally diverge on certain points, to shed more light upon the machinations that will affect ballot access in the Primary next year. We wrote it up and the Asbury Park Press ran the piece today.
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Early primary can boost conservative Republicans' impact

by GEORGE AJJAN and MICHAEL ILLIONS, 03/22/07

The presidential primaries of 2008 have created the most exciting political climate that America has witnessed in decades. Neither party has an incumbent president or an ordained successor running, making the nomination wide open. Extraordinary media coverage has accelerated the process and raised the stakes tremendously for presidential contenders.

The impact of this groundbreaking scenario presents a major opportunity for New Jersey. In the past, Republican and Democratic voters in the Garden State picked their preferred presidential nominee on the June primary ballot as a mere formality, at a late stage when the likely candidate was all but certain. This time, however, New Jersey voters could affect the viability of both parties' contenders in 2008, thanks to the decision to move the presidential primary to Feb. 5.

For the state Republican Party, this move could be a windfall. While the state GOP has struggled in recent years, the intense media coverage of the primary is certain to increase the political awareness of many New Jerseyans holding conservative views, thus widening the pool for recruitment of new activists whose energy we need in the party in order to rebuild.
However, we may not have the opportunity to tap that rich reservoir if competition is dampened by the process — determined by our state party leadership — that governs ballot access for presidential contenders.

The group of potential nominees contains, in addition to the two or three front-runners on the Republican side, numerous candidates who have announced their candidacies or are expected to do so shortly. While these second-tier contenders lack the financial resources and political organizations that characterize the front-runners, many compensate with specific planks that may appeal to sizable portions of the Republican base, such as military expertise, immigration stances, pro-life credentials and foreign policy acumen.

In the context of an early primary, exposure of these ideas and skills could propel any of them to become a major contender. Thus, all of the candidates deserve a fair shot at the GOP nomination. The process that determines ballot access in New Jersey must offer a level playing field to everyone. Presently, the process has not been clarified; however, one could speculate it ultimately would embody one of several scenarios:

In the most simple, transparent and preferable mechanism, any Republican candidate could get on the ballot by presenting a sizable number of petition signatures from registered Republicans in New Jersey, perhaps 1,000 statewide, or 100 in each of 13 congressional districts. This method represents a sufficient workload that would preclude frivolous candidates from ballot access. But it would give all serious hopefuls a fighting chance, therefore maximizing the competition of ideas and offering the most choices for Republican voters.

In a more complicated scenario, each candidate would need, in addition to collecting signatures for his or her petition, to assemble a slate of delegates that would ultimately attend the Republican National Convention to cast New Jersey's votes, should he or she emerge victorious. This would entail circulating a separate set of petitions for the delegates themselves.

Such a process embodies a significant handicap for second-tier candidates, who rely on favorable response to their convictions and principled stands to keep their presidential aspirations afloat, rather than armies of staffers paid to drive around town collecting hundreds of signatures. So instead of focusing on ideas to make life better, these candidates would be forced to concentrate on tasks designed to make life difficult.

For this reason, delegates should not be on the ballot in the primary, or at least not connected with any specific candidate. As an alternative, the GOP chairman in each county could nominate delegates to the Republican National Convention and those delegates would be required to cast New Jersey's votes in a manner proportional to the results of the presidential primary.

In either case, the Republican base, particularly those of us supporting second-tier candidates, needs to know as quickly as possible the process so we can plan accordingly. We appreciate the establishment by Republican State Chairman Tom Wilson of a committee to study the options and present recommendations to the Republican State Committee for a vote. We urge him to continue to communicate with transparency and timeliness all activities that may affect the ability of any Republican presidential contender to compete in New Jersey.

The more successful the state GOP is at creating an active, exciting and issue-based presidential primary, the more successful we will ultimately be at building the Republican Party in New Jersey by harnessing the minds of Garden State citizens dedicated to conservative principles.

George Ajjan of Clifton is a former Republican candidate for Congress in the 8th District. Michael Illions of Woodbridge is head of GOPUSA-NJ Conservatives with Attitude.

O --- This article first appeared in the Asbury Park Press on March 22, 2007.
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Senegalese visit to Borough Jeep in Wayne

Several weeks ago, I got a call from the Embassy of Senegal in Washington, DC - specifically from my friend and advisor Alhousseynou Diallo, the Economic Counsellor. He informed me that a delegation of high-ranking customs officials would be travelling to New York to meet with their American counterparts and discuss bilateral trade.

As an auxiliary component of their trip, he wanted me to organize a presentation on used automobile valuations, and I was happy to oblige. I immediately contacted Joe Franchina at Borough Jeep Chrysler in Wayne, which has been owned by the Hagedoorn family (Prospect Park Hollanders) for over 80 years, and they agreed to host the delegation.

It was a fantastic event, especially given the weather conditions and the excitement with which these dignitaries played in the snow! Samantha Henry at the Herald News covered the event, as seen below.
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Senegal eyes ties with Jersey car dealers

Wednesday, March 21, 2007 By SAMANTHA HENRY - HERALD NEWS

partial scan with photos

WAYNE -- A light snow was dusting the lot at Borough Jeep Chrysler, when a beat-up minivan with diplomatic plates rolled up. It discharged a delegation of port officials from the West African nation of Senegal.

"Welcome, Senegalese friends!" said George Ajjan, a former Republican congressional candidate-turned-entrepreneur, greeting them in French.

Ajjan, 30, of Clifton, had arranged the delegation's March visit to forge better trade ties between New Jersey and West Africa and to capitalize on what Ajjan said was the growing popularity of American SUVs there. "You mention Cadillac Escalade or Hummer to them, and they're beside themselves," Ajjan said. "Rap videos are popular, and Senegal is behind the U.S. and France as the third rap capital of the world."

A Senegalese member of the delegation agreed. "They see everything on TV -- rap music, black culture," said Al Housseynou Diallo, first economic counselor at the Senegalese Embassy in Washington, D.C. "It's popular, especially with young people."

In trying to find ways to export American cars, Ajjan said he came up against the dominance of French car makers in Senegal, the preference for diesel-fueled vehicles, and the high tariffs on American imports. The per capita income of Senegal's 12 million people was $709 in 2005, according to the U.S. State Department.

Ajjan decided that the first thing to do was persuade Senegalese trade officials to lower import taxes. "We're pricing American cars uncompetitively, by basing the tariff on the highest price," he told the group, explaining to them in French about ''le Kelley bleu book,'' -- or the Kelley Blue Book -- and American methods for pricing used cars. "It's an opportunity to build a bridge to Africa," said Joseph Franchina, sales leader at Borough Jeep Chrysler.

Africa isn't the only place where American popular culture -- arguably one of the nation's biggest exports -- may be contributing to a demand for cars that might not otherwise be practical in countries where unleaded gas is exorbitantly expensive. Vecdi Ugurlu, who owns King Motors Inc. on Route 46 in Little Ferry, said American cars -- especially SUVs -- are also catching on in his native Turkey. "Cadillac Escalade, Hummers, all these cars are popular over there, because people have such love for America," he said.

Ugurlu said a Lincoln Navigator, which sells for about $65,000 in the U.S., retails for $175,000 in Turkey, after taxes and shipping costs are factored in. Only a select clientele can afford them, according to Ugurlu, but selling just a few can be lucrative. "It's all image, it shows they are rich," he said. "Here in America, you don't see the difference, because money doesn't distinguish -- if you have credit here, and a steady income, you can drive the same truck as a rich man. But in Turkey, it's impossible to drive the same car, or eat at a fancy restaurant, as a rich man."

Ugurlu said selling cars overseas is a complicated business -- different countries have varying import restrictions and tariff structures. But despite the obstacles, he's seen a number of North Jersey car dealers testing the waters of the international car market via the Internet. "We have buyers all over the world from our Web site," Ugurlu said. "Today, you can get on the Internet and see cars anywhere, transfer funds, and do legal matters. After they wire the money in, we take the car to the port and ship it to them."

Understanding the cultural nuances of international buyers is also important, both Ugurlu and Ajjan said. Ugurlu said in many countries, high mileage on a used car rarely factors into the price, the way it does in America. In Senegal, Ajjan discovered that few prospective buyers are interested in test driving a car, but will insist on a pristine spare tire as a condition of sale. After his presentation to the Senegalese at the Wayne dealership, several of the customs officials seemed persuaded that lowering tariffs and allowing more American cars into Senegal would make a market of willing buyers.

"We live the American life," said Papa Moussa Sy, an airport customs official in Senegal, through a French translator. "If it happens here in the morning, we have it in Senegal by the evening."

Reach Samantha Henry at 973-569-7172 or henrys@northjersey.com.
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Wanted: home in FLOW area, contact Paul DiGaetano, senator@d40.nj.us

By now, anyone who cares to know has discovered that Republican Hank McNamara, State Senator of NJ's 40th District, has announced his retirement, leaving an open Senate seat in a solidly Republican district that covers Southwest Bergen, central Passaic, plus 2 conservative towns in Essex County.

With less than 4 weeks before the filing deadline by which any potential candidate must submit his or her petitions to seek the Republican nomination in the June Primary, and only 2 weeks before the Bergen County Republican convention, at which the County Committee members award "the line", one can only recall the words of Homer Simpson, "Oh, I see. Then everything is wrapped up in a neat little packAGGGGE...Really, I mean that. Sorry if it sounded sarcastic."

Of course, I am referring to the long-expected news that Assemblyman Kevin O'Toole will position himself to assume McNamara's seat (a boon for the GOP as that would give senatorial courtesy to block juicy appointments in Essex County, as O'Toole lives in Cedar Grove), while Assemblyman David Russo will retain his seat, and popular Wayne Mayor but simultaneously struggling freshman Passaic County GOP Chairman Scott Rumana will seek the Assembly seat vacated by O'Toole.

How the Passaic County GOP will award the line to its sitting Chairman remains a mystery and frankly raises eyebrows. If additional candidates wish to present their credentials given this opening, how will they be given the opportunity to do so? By random coincidence, I happened to speak with one such individual last night, who has aspirations to hold office in this district, but as a loyal Republican chose not to wage a divisive primary. But seeking an open seat in a "safe" district is not disloyal, far from it. To be clear, nobody has the right to "inherit" a seat and that most certainly applies to Scott Rumana.

I am waiting for "I told you so" emails from longtime Rumana detractors who insisted that he only sought the Passaic County GOP Chairmanship for his own gain, to "give himself the line" and then wash his hands of party-building responsibilities.

But were they right? Is "the fix" in???

A lot of that depends on the conditions surrounding McNamara's decision to step down and how he might use his influence with the Bergen GOP County Committee to affect a successor, as well as the interest and ability of former District 36 Assemblyman and Majority Leader Paul DiGaetano to make the long-rumored move to the 40th District and get back into the Trenton game.

[note - the rules for residency are unclear and I don't know if it is already too late for a potential candidate to "carpetbag" - although the petition instructions state that a candidate must "satisfy the citizenship and residency requirements by election day" - any guidance on this would be appreciated, as this whole part of the post may be rendered inapplicable]

Unless things have changed since 2005, when DiGaetano and O'Toole landed on bad terms after O'Toole did not back hometown candidate DiGaetano (who lives in Nutley), this could be a race with bitter personal overtones should DiGaetano make the move. However, McNamara (who attended Rumana's recent wedding) has a chummier relationship with DiGaetano, and they definitely share one common ally - former Passaic County GOP Chairman and [...never mind] Peter Murphy (see how nice I am?), whom Rumana bluntly defeated by proxy in last year's Chairman race by a wide margin. No doubt that he's hungry for revenge, and smiting Rumana's Trentonian ambitions would be a delectable payback from his perspective.

Could we be looking at a messy primary in which an O'Toole-Russo-Rumana ticket gets the line in Passaic (40% of the GOP primary votes) and Essex (10%) counties - O'Toole doubles as Essex GOP Chair, and potentially in Bergen (the remaining 40%) versus a DiGaetano-name-name ticket running "off the line"? As we saw in 2005, when DiGaetano won "the line" in Bergen County and nonetheless finished a disappointing 4th in the Gubernatorial Primary, this has diminished somewhat as a determining factor. Although, that was a high-profile race with lots of money floating around thanks to ridiculous matching funds laws that bloated the campaign trésors of 7 GOP candidates; this time around, the turnout will be far lower and with municipal candidates sharing "the line" in key towns like Wayne, it will be tough to win in an "off-the-line" scenario. 4 weeks to recruit and file competing municipal slates is a tall order to fill.

And, might there be a Presidential overtone? DiGaetano has backed Rudy Giuliani, while O'Tools is with John McCain.

In any case, Scott Rumana must address the following factors:

1. Communicate clearly and openly to the County Committee how he plans to recuse himself from the nomination process for the open Assembly seat in District 40 once he presents himself as a candidate.
2. Establish a mechanism through which other contenders for the open Assembly seat may present their credentials for fair and timely consideration on "the line" in Passaic County.
3. Pledge to resign as Mayor of Wayne once he assumes the Assembly office, should he ultimately emerge victorious, thus taking a stand against dual office-holding.
4. Commit to finding candidates to fill ALL slots for his counterpart positions in Districts 34, 35, and 36. Rumana cannot shirk his responsibilities as Chairman, which most certainly includes fielding candidates in difficult districts, because he himself decided to become a candidate in a Republican-leaning one. (this is why County Chairs should not be office-holders or office-seekers, it presents too many conflicts of interest!)

Finally, there is the possibility of another ideologically conservative ticket forming in District 40, although perennial candidates Joe Tomanelli and John Ginty have been silent thus far.

continue reading "Wanted: home in FLOW area, contact Paul DiGaetano, senator@d40.nj.us..."

Long overdue documentary on Arab-Americans

A couple weeks ago I received an email telling me about a project underway that is long overdue - a professionally-made, star-studded documentary film about the experience of Arab-Americans.

The brains behind the project, Abe Kasbo, CEO of the public relations and marketing firm Verasoni Worldwide, has an outstanding media background and production skills to give this project the finesse it deserves. Upon hearing about the project, I immediately contacted "Halabi Abe", to brainstorm a bunch of great content that the project might include.

We had the chance to meet last week, when Abe gave me his latest updates - he has extensive support from the Arab American Institute (AAI), a number of Arab-American celebrities, and has some great roadshows planned to raise money to complete the project (this is mostly a labor of love) - and to film key sites, most notably the St. Jude Hospital in Memphis, founded by famous entertainer Danny Thomas. St. Jude's fundraising organization is called ALSAC, which stands for American Lebanese Syrian Associated Charities, and that's a fact.

In addition to modest financial contributions, Abe is looking for anyone who has video footage of old haflat or maharajanat, and he can be reached by email.
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A Hagel-icious soufflé takes time to prepare

Nebraska Senator Chuck Hagel, a Republican whom I have said I would work to elect should he choose to run for President, has postponed his decision on his political future until later this year, or - as he joked in closing - "before St. Patrick's Day next year."

Describing the Iraq War as "most divisive and difficult issue since Vietnam", he also offered the following from his prepared remarks:

"Burdened by two wars, faced with dangerous new threats and global uncertainty, beset by serious long-term domestic problems and divided by raw political partisanship — America now reaches for a national consensus of purpose...

I believe the political currents in America are more unpredictable today than at any time in modern history. We are experiencing a political re-orientation, a redefining and moving toward a new political center of gravity. This movement is bigger than both parties. The need to solve problems and meet challenges is overtaking the ideological debates of the last three decades."

In the question-answer portion, Hagel made the following remarks (quotes may not be exact):

"I am not an anti-war candidate - I have never been anti-war...to consider me an anti-war candidate is just not correct."

To clarify, he suggested that a nation's national security is not just the strength of its military, but also includes economic as well as social factors. He further mentioned that Reagan's withdrawal of US Marines from Beirut and Eisenhower's reluctance to militarily escalate in South-East Asia did not classify them as "anti-war" Presidents. Although, the disdain for the current Administration's policies was clear when he talked about "wise, smart use of military power".

Anyone dreaming of a blockbuster Unity Ticket (Hagel teaming up with former Republican and Reagan Administration official Jim Webb, the newly-elected Virginia Senator, for example) had their hopes quashed. Hagel made sure to accentuate his affiliation with the Republican Party. Very pleased to hear that.

"Well, I think I've made it pretty clear, and I think my record is rather clear - I am a Republican."

He talked about his first ballot, cast from Vietnam in 1968, in which he "didn't vote for Humphrey" and "probably" voted Republican down the line.

"I have based my entire political life on the party that I thought I shared most of my political philosophy, and that is the Republican Party...I have been disappointed in my party over the past few years...I don't see that same party today [referring to his description of the 1968 GOP] and I would like to continue to influence my party to get it back to where it was when I first joined."

He also spoke about the unprecedented attention to the Presidential race and the early onset of primary fever:

"I do fear we are doing damage to our system...we are captive to ideologies and I believe that will change - the American people will demand it."

On that note, what are the strategic implications of Hagel's decision to postpone? Well, on the whole it's a a smart move, because of the intense competition in the Republican field right now. Hagel, whose foreign policy views differ substantially from the rest of the announced candidates (with the exception of Ron Paul, who is a hero in his ow